I would like to state up front that as a non-indigenous settler scholar, I certainly cannot speak directly to the experience of Aboriginal masculinity. This area of masculinities studies is still very much under development and is hugely important to issues related to Aboriginal men’s health. The following discussion and perspectives represent my evolving theoretical understanding of Canadian Aboriginal (Indigenous) masculinities and the potential impact of these gender performances on Aboriginal men’s health.
Incorporating Masculinities as a Central Concept in Addressing Indigenous Men’s Health & Well-being
In considering Aboriginal men’s health and social well-being, including the prevention of violence, depression, suicide etc., it is essential that we consider the intersectional impact of masculinities, colonization, and other social hierarchies (racialization, income, education, sexual orientation, etc. …) on the health and social outcomes of Aboriginal men (Brave Heart, 1998, 1999; David, 2014; Duran & Duran, 1995; Gonzalez, Simard, Baker-Demaray, & Iron Eyes, 2014; Hankivsky, 2012; Keating, 2009; Krieger, 2001; Richmond & Ross, 2009). This is important because there is a growing body of literature that implicates the performance of masculinity as a primary influence on the poor health and social outcomes demonstrated among men from all backgrounds (Courtenay, 2000; Creighton & Oliffe, 2010; Evans, Frank, Oliffe, & Gregory, 2011; Oliffe & Phillips, 2008; Payne, Swami, & Stanistreet, 2008).
A Brief Summary of Masculinities Theory
Masculinity is generally considered to be a socially constructed performance, which is shaped by the social context in which this performance occurs (Connell, 2000, 2005; Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). The use of the plural term masculinities acknowledges the multiple socially constructed performances of masculinity that may exist in response to these changing social contexts, and it is important to recognize that performances of masculinity do not only vary between individuals and groups, but even within the same person as they engage with different social contexts and groups on a minute to minute basis (Connell, 2005; Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). While multiple masculinities exist, they are not all allocated the same status in power relations, and certain dominant or hegemonic patterns of masculinity performance will be valued above all other forms (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). Connell (2005) states that in Western contexts, hegemonic masculinities are those performances of masculinity that perpetuate patriarchal power through the performance of “traditional” Western masculinities associated with heterosexuality, independence, strength, large physical size, power, emotional stoicism, success, dominance, and the subjugation of femininities and subordinate or marginalized masculinities (Connell, 2005; Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005; Kimmel, 2010; Messerschmidt, 2000). While what is considered hegemonic or subordinate varies based on the social context, there are common patterns or collective masculinities which tend to emerge, and given the pervasive globalized nature of media and communication, hegemonic masculinities promoted in wider or distant societies may exert a profound influence on the construction of hegemonic masculinities at a local level. Due to European imperialism and colonization of Indigenous populations around the world, the inherently hierarchical hetero-patriarchal perspectives and collective patterns of masculinity associated with a European-Christian cosmology have exerted a significant influence on the construction of contemporary masculinities worldwide (Connell, 2007; McKegney, 2012, 2014). This is certainly also the case for Aboriginal Canadians, who have been subjected to a continuous barrage of oppressive acculturation by settlers and the Canadian government through tools such as treaties, religious indoctrination, residential schools, and the Indian Act among others (Gonzalez et al., 2014; McKegney, 2012).
Masculinity hierarchies are also intersectional with other social gradients, so hegemonic masculinities may also include elements of other social hierarchies such as socioeconomic status, racialization, education, religion, sexual orientation etc. Therefore, in conjunction with other hierarchies, masculinities are a significant component of societal structure, and contribute to the structural violence and discrimination experienced by many groups of men. Not all men share in the patriarchal dividend to an equal degree, and those engaging in a subordinated or socially marginalized performances of masculinity may experience negative health outcomes associated with being on the lower rungs of a social hierarchy, with potentially additive effects on health related to other social gradients too.
Indigenous (Aboriginal) Masculinities
Prior to entering into a discussion of Indigenous understandings of masculinity, it is important to acknowledge that Aboriginal peoples of Canada are certainly not homogenous in their beliefs and social practices, although there are likely some common worldviews and beliefs that are pervasive. In addition, by recognizing the diversity of potential masculinities present, it must be acknowledged that there are almost infinite potential constructions of masculinity possible, even when considering Indigenous Canadian masculinities alone. That being said, there are likely some collective performances of Indigenous masculinity that are fairly common and that may cross Aboriginal social contexts (Anderson, Innes, & Swift, 2013). In addition, because masculinity performance is constantly being renovated in response to historical, political, and social influences, it is probable that there are a multitude of contemporary Indigenous masculinities that may have been constructed in relation to more traditional Indigenous understandings of masculinity; however, these contemporary masculinities may have departed significantly from traditional Indigenous masculinities over time. The pervasive and corrosive influence of Western European oppression in the context of colonialism has undoubtedly left its mark on the construction of Indigenous masculinities, and it seems unlikely that this effect will ever be entirely overcome. A significant question in the larger context of Indigenous men’s health is if traditional patterns of Indigenous masculinities can be effectively mobilized as a strategy in health promotion interventions with contemporary Aboriginal men?
Historical Impact of Colonialism on the Gender Order in Indigenous Societies
There is only a limited amount of literature that addresses Indigenous masculinities in the Canadian context, with the most prolific authors in this area being Anderson, Innes, and Swift (2012, 2013) and McKegney (2012, 2013, 2014). A key consideration related to the discussion gender in the Aboriginal context is the recognition that traditional Indigenous cosmology did not focus on patriarchal perspectives and hierarchy in the same way as European-Christian cosmology (McKegney, 2012). In fact, the fluid and multiple understanding of gender in traditional Aboriginal society is evident by the lack of gender identifiers in many Aboriginal languages (Anderson, Innes, & Swift, 2012; McKegney, 2012, 2014). Collectively, First Nations cultures placed emphasis on balance and harmony with the environment, the necessity of collaboration, and the importance of all peoples roles and responsibilities to the community’s success (Anderson et al., 2012, 2013; McKegney, 2012, 2014). Therefore, although there were established roles for men and women in Indigenous societies, these roles were flexible, each was allocated equal importance, and in many cases Indigenous societies were matrilineal, matriarchal, revered the role of women, and had established leadership roles for women in their societies (Anderson et al., 2013; McKegney, 2012, 2014). In addition, traditional Indigenous cultures emphasized equality of all living things, and two-spirited people had a recognized and accepted role in society (Anderson et al., 2012; McKegney, 2014). After contact with European colonizers, Indigenous peoples were exposed to a hierarchical Christian cosmology and the patriarchal orientation of settler governments and education systems. Consequently, the harmful effects of hierarchies and patriarchal perspectives have eroded traditional Indigenous understandings of masculinity and femininity, while acculturation, and dispossession from traditional lands and practices have exerted a devastating impact on Aboriginal men’s sense of self-worth and well-being (Anderson et al., 2012, 2013; McKegney, 2012, 2013, 2014).
Being a Provider
Anderson et al. (2012) interviewed 10 elders from a number of Indigenous nations across North America about Indigenous men’s traditional roles and responsibilities in their culture. In the words of one Mohawk elder, Tom Porter, men’s “job was to carry the bones of ancestors”, which not only spoke to men’s labour, but also their “social, spiritual, and ceremonial responsibilities” (Anderson et al., 2012, pp. 270-271). One of the articulated central roles of men was “providing”, including providing resources to “their families and communities through hunting, fishing, and trapping” and later through waged labour (Anderson et al., 2012, p. 271). While the role of provider was not fulfilled by men alone in Indigenous society, this role was associated with pride, and represented a sacred part of Aboriginal men’s identity and responsibilities (Anderson et al., 2012). Rites of passage from boyhood to manhood were also often associated with young men’s ability to prove their abilities as a provider (Anderson et al., 2012, 2013).
With colonization, treaties, the reservation system, and encroachment by settlers on traditional territories, the role of provider was severely eroded because access to hunting and fishing were often restricted, and fish and game were depleted or migrated to different areas as settlements and industrialization grew (Anderson et al., 2012). “Providing” was one way of feeling part of the larger community, and as this role waned, young men also potentially lost their sense of purpose and one means of connection to their wider community (Anderson et al., 2012). Richmond and Ross (2009) explored the determinants of First Nation and Inuit health, and emphasized the inseparable connection between Indigenous cultures and their connection with the natural environment by presenting “environmental/cultural connections” as one of the core determinants of First Nations and Inuit health. Similar to the experience of Indigenous cultures worldwide, dispossession from traditional lands represents a fundamental disruption of Canadian Indigenous cultural practice, limits access to healthier traditional foods, and has contributed to a deterioration of many Indigenous men’s sense of self-worth, pride, and ultimately their health (Anderson et al., 2012, 2013; Connell, 2007; McKegney, 2014). It has also meant that many traditional rites of passage for young men have been lost, which has opened the door to other rites of passage associated with demonstrating manhood, by engaging in negative hegemonic masculinities, or harmful hypermasculine performances (e.g. participating in gangs, violence, addictions, crime)(Anderson et al., 2012; McKegney, 2014).
Role of Protector
Another sacred role indentified by the elders in Anderson et al.’s (2012) study was the role as protector. While the image of Aboriginal men as warriors is widespread, and kept alive in the collective mainstream imaginary by a long-standing portrayal of Indigenous men as “bloodthirsty warriors” in various forms of media (e.g. Western’s), the role of protector should not be directly equated with this skewed idea of warriorhood (Anderson et al., 2012; McKegney, 2012, 2014). For example, “according to Kanien’kehaka scholar Taiaiake Alfred, the traditional Iroquoian word for warrior is ritiskenhrakete, which literally means ‘carrying the burden of peace’”, and going to war required the authorization of clan mothers in Iroquois society (McKegney, 2012, p. 251). In this context the role of warrior did not emphasize dominance or violent power, but rather the duty to protect and support the community (McKegney, 2012).
While Aboriginal men may have fulfilled the role of “warrior” in battle to protect their communities, protection also included the responsibility to protect the medicine(Anderson et al., 2013). In this context, “medicine” can be considered a broad term including the environment, traditions, teachings, children, and women, who were considered the source of all life (Anderson et al., 2012; McKegney, 2012, 2014). With colonization, and the establishment of social hierarchies and institutions that enacted structural violence on Aboriginal peoples, Aboriginal men often found their ability to fulfill the role of protector for their communities and families was severely curtailed. These men frequently felt powerless to stop the mistreatment of their community members or the exploitation of their lands. Frequently confined to a designated reservation, and subjected to the inherent restrictions of treaties, legislation, racisim, poverty, settler governments, and Indian agents, Aboriginal men were frustrated by their lack of power and agency to protect their families and communities (Anderson et al., 2012, 2013; McKegney, 2012, 2013, 2014). For example, many men and women who attended residential schools carry immense guilt and post-traumatic stress because they were unable to fulfill their responsibility to protect younger students from violence, humiliation, and sexual abuse at the hands of staff in these institutions (Anderson et al., 2012; McKegney, 2013, 2014). Likewise fathers were traumatized by their inability to keep their children at home with them, or by witnessing the effects of poverty and disease on their families (Anderson et al., 2012; McKegney, 2014).
Role of Mentor/Nurturer
A third key role of Aboriginal men was the role of mentor, role model, and nurturer (Anderson et al., 2012, 2013). Elders spoke of Aboriginal men’s responsibility to set a good example, and to nurture the development of their sons and young men in their wider community (Anderson et al., 2012, 2013). Older men were expected to teach younger men how to be “providers” and “protectors” by nurturing the growth of young men and boys, teaching them how to hunt and fish, and teaching them about traditions and ceremonies (Anderson et al., 2012, 2013). Many of the elders in Anderson et al.’s (2012) study expressed their concern about the breakdown men’s roles as active fathers and mentors in many contemporary contexts, and linked the decline of men’s role in Aboriginal communities to the widespread impact of colonization (Anderson et al., 2012, 2013). In particular, the fracturing of the relationship between father and child that occurred as a result of residential schooling was discussed (Anderson et al., 2012). In addition, the social impacts of colonization have contributed to numerous social challenges in Aboriginal communities such as poverty, cultural disconnection, addictions, mental illness, violence, and increased levels of crime, which have also contributed to a disproportionately high rate of incarceration among Aboriginal men and the dissolution of families. This has also meant that many Aboriginal men have not been as present in their children’s lives or in a position to serve as an effective mentor to young men and boys (Anderson et al., 2012).
How Does Social Subordination & Internalized Oppression “Get Under the Skin” and
Translate to Poor Health Outcomes
The Role of Psycho-social Stress (Allostatic Load)
The effect of masculinity status on health is thought to be partially due to the psychosocial stress (allostatic load) associated with social subordination, and the activation of the sympathetic-adrenal-medullary (SAM) axis, the Lymbic Hypothalmic-pituitary-adrenal axis (L-HPA), the neuroimmune system, and disruption of the serotenergic system (Keating, 2009; Krieger, 2001; McEwen, 1998, 2005; Raleigh, McGuire, Brammer, & Yuwiler, 1984; Sloman, Gilbert, & Hasey, 2003). Activation of these systems results in increased epinephrine and norepinephrine, elevated cortisol, and potentially lower oxytocin and serotonin (Keating, 2009; McEwen, 1998, 2005; Raleigh et al., 1984; Sloman et al., 2003). With chronic psychosocial stress these imbalances may lead to cardiovascular disease (hypertension, heart attacks, heart failure), organ damage, metabolic syndrome (diabetes, elevated blood glucose, obesity …), autoimmune conditions, and mental illness (e.g. depression)(Keating, 2009; Krieger, 2001; McEwen, 1998, 2005; Raleigh et al., 1984; Sloman et al., 2003).
The Role of Internalized Oppression and Racism
Oppressed and marginalized groups are subjected to constant messages that their appearance, their way of being, and their culture is subordinate to that of the dominant oppressing group (David, 2014; Friere, 1970). The mechanisms of this oppression may include, but are not limited to: racism, physical separation, cultural marginalization, dispossession from traditional lands, discriminatory legislation, or even the psychological , emotional, and spiritual “wear and tear” associated with dealing with daily messages of social subordination in the form of micro-aggressions (Connell, 2007; David, 2014; David & Derthick, 2014; Gonzalez et al., 2014; Lewis, Allen, & Fleagle, 2014). As Friere (1970) discussed, oppressed people internalize these messages of subordination and frequently become tools of their own oppression. Because the oppressor is associated with power and success within their social reality, oppressed peoples often take on the behaviors, or markers of success, associated with the oppressor and become socially separated from others in their oppressed group, or alternately attack each other rather than rising against their oppressor (Friere, 1970). There is a growing body of psychology literature that is examining the impact of this internalized oppression, and it is evident that the psychological effects of internalized oppression certainly play a significant role in the mental, physical, social, and spiritual (holistic) health of Aboriginal (Indigenous) peoples (Brave Heart, 1998, 1999; David & Derthick, 2014; Duran & Duran, 1995; Gonzalez et al., 2014; Lewis et al., 2014).
The Role of Masculinity Performance and Compulsive/Protest Masculinities
Striving to perform unattainable and largely mythical hegemonic masculinities is another major mechanism which has a detrimental effect on men’s health. In the blind pursuit of masculinity, men tend to engage in risky behaviors (e.g. driving too fast, drinking excessively, avoiding safety equipment etc. ) and violence, and demonstrate their self-sufficiency, independence and “sturdy oak” stoicism (not asking for help or seeking care for health problems) (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005; Courtenay, 2000; Kimmel, 2010). Young Aboriginal men, who may not have received teachings regarding traditional Aboriginal masculinity, may also draw on media-informed stereotypes of Indigenous masculinity such as: “the bloodthirsty warrior” or the “noble savage” to construct and perform a fictitious and harmful hegemonic hypermasculine performances, which are not consistent with the traditional understanding of warrior (McKegney, 2014). In the absence of traditional “rites of passage” to signify the transition to manhood, which are performed under the direction and supervision of mature men, young men will often construct their own “rites of passage” informed by mythopoetic hegemonic masculinities (Kimmel, 2008; McKegney, 2014). The result is often hypermasculinity run amok, that is harmful for these young men, and often for the community around them (Kimmel, 2008).
Another contributor to risk taking and violence in subordinated/marginalized men, is the fact that subordinated or marginalized men tend to engage in compensatory performances of “hyper-masculinity” in an attempt to not only prove their masculinity, but in some cases to also perform masculinities, which they may present as the “true” masculinity (Courtenay, 2000). This type of masculinity performance is sometimes referred to as “compulsive”(Majors & Billson, 1992), or “protest” (Connell, 2005) masculinities. For example, protest masculinities fuel violence among socially marginalized groups and play a part in the development of gangs and crime in marginalized neighborhoods, and they also inform addiction and engagement in crime. Of course there are also other intersectional elements a play such as poverty, social marginalization, and oppressed group behavior (Friere, 1970).
Intersection between Indigenous Masculinities and the Health and Well-being of Aboriginal Men
Messerschmidt (2000) discusses the precarious balance between masculine resources and masculine challenges as men try to live up to the almost unattainable hegemonic masculine performances, and this is a potentially useful way to frame the challenges for urban Aboriginal men’s health which place them on different life pathways (Elder & Giele, 2009; Gough, 2013).
Aboriginal men living on reserve (often rural or isolated) will construct collective patterns of masculinity within their own social context and local social networks; however, even in isolated contexts, the construction of masculinities and masculine hierarchies will be highly influenced by wider social hierarchies (e.g. socio-economic (relative poverty), racism/discrimination, education level etc.) and the pervasive impact of colonialization in its various forms. The masculine resources that may provide Aboriginal men with status in isolated and rural Aboriginal communities (e.g. skills as an outdoorsman, hunter, fisherman, holder and protector of traditional knowledge (medicine), friendship or family networks etc.) may not hold the same social importance when they enter the urban setting. In the urban setting, the goalposts move significantly, and are a product of a different neoliberal, commercial social context where relative inequalities are often greater, and the social gradient’s steeper. While education level, socioeconomic status, and other hierarchies such as racism exert an influence on status in Aboriginal communities, the impact of these gradients is likely to be even more significant in urban settings (Currie et al., 2013). Therefore, although in many ways urban settings may present greater opportunities for social and economic mobility in a post-colonial society, they also create a context where many Aboriginal men may experience even greater degrees of relative subordination as individuals and as men. This perception of relative lower status and marginalized masculinity may therefore contribute to poorer health outcomes, especially during the transition into the urban setting, and perhaps even on a long-term basis if success is not achieved in this new setting.
In addition to the potential physical, mental, social, and spiritual health impacts from social subordination, these men may attempt to establish a claim to masculinity and social standing through performances of “protest” masculinities. These “hypermasculine” performances may contribute to greater risks for addiction, risk-taking, violence (in all spheres, including domestic violence and violence directed inward through suicide), and even engagement in criminal activity (including participation in gangs). Although not a quote from a Canadian Aboriginal man, I read one quote from a Bolivian male immigrant to Australia, which resonates for me in considering this situation – “It’s better to be the head of a mouse, than the tail of a lion. In Bolivia at least, I would be the head of a mouse. Here I am pretty close to being the tail of a Lion” (Pease, 2009). While men may have maintained a position of social status or respect in their community of origin, they may now find themselves in a situation that leaves them feeling subordinated and marginalized as men. This can create a volatile situation, where these men lash out at those around them in a performance of “protest masculinity” in response to feelings of internalized oppression, and this may be a contributor to family and intra-community violence (Courtenay, 2000; David, 2014; Friere, 1970).
Links to Indigenous Masculinities Resources
Biidwewidam Indigenous Masculinities
References
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